Bye Bye Badman



Soak me to my skin
Will you drown me in your sea
Submission ends and I begin

Choke me smoke the air
In this citrus sucking sunshine I don't care
You're not all there

Every backbone and heart you break
Will still come back for more
Submission ends in hope

Here he come
Got no question got no love
I'm throwing stones at you man
I want you black and blue and
I'm gonna make you bleed
Gonna bring you down to your knees
Bye bye badman
Bye bye

Choke me smoke the air
In this citrus sucking sunshine I don't care
You're not all there

You've been bought and paid
You're a whore and a slave
Your dock's not a holy shrine
Come taste the end you're mine*

Here he come
Got no question got no love
I'm throwing stones at you man
I want you black and blue then
I'm gonna make you bleed
Gonna bring you down to your knees
Bye bye badman
Bye bye

I've got bad intention
I intend to
Knock you down
These stones I throw
Oh these French kisses
Are the only way I've found

I've got bad intention
I intend to
Knock you down
These stones I throw
Oh these French kisses
Are the only way I've found


Lyrics by:
Squire / Brown

Music by:
Squire / Brown

Written:
1988

Personnel:
John Squire (guitar)
Ian Brown (vocals)
Gary Mounfield (bass)
Alan Wren (drums)

Producer:
John Leckie

Engineer:
Paul Schroeder

Available on:
The Stone Roses (4.00)
The Stone Roses (10th Anniversary Edition) (4.03)

First live performance:
Bye Bye Badman was performed live at least once (A one-minute audio clip exists from the gig at Sheffield University, 20th February 1989). The song was rarely performed live, due most probably to the difficulty in recreating the various guitar parts with only one guitarist.

Details:

 

 

Top row (left): A police officer throws a tear gas canister to disperse the crowd. Protests or riots, the fierce debate about what happened in 1968 extends even to labels - the right calls it "the events," while the left calls it "the movement". While a youth revolt became general in the West - from anti-Vietnam protests in the United States to The Rolling Stones in swinging London and finally the Baader-Meinhof gang in West Germany - France was where the protests of the baby-boom generation came closest to a real political revolution, with 10 million workers on strike, and not just a revulsion against stifling social rules of class, education and sexual behaviour.
Top row (right): This is actually a Jaffa Orange that Ian has in his mouth at Blackpool, in August 1989, but the visual connection with Mai 68 is easily bridgeable. In this photo, Ian can be seen holding a lemon, whilst holding Mani in a headlock. Ian would often be in possession of a lemon at this time, as an NME article from 15th April 1989 notes: "Ian spends the entire afternoon in the company of a lemon, juggling, sniffing, scratching and generally persecuting the fruit. He claims that it's the ultimate defence against tear gas. Even odder, he expects a CS gas canister to be lobbed in his direction at any time, as it's the latest line of entertainment at the Haçienda." The lemon is mistaken as a grapefruit in a Granada Reports feature on The Stone Roses in 1989.
Second & third rows: The Stone Roses at the Eiffel Tower and Rue Gabriel Laumain, Paris, 1989. In several shots from that visit to Paris, Ian Brown's positioning brings the camera down to the level of the paving stones.

 

 

     

After 1967's Summer of Love, 1968 was a tumultuous year in which the United States seemed to be on the verge of a nervous breakdown - assassinations, riots, protests and war were tearing at the fabric of society. Haight-Ashbury had degenerated into a ghetto and the counterculture was in violent confrontation with the establishment. It was a year that would shape the course of a nation for decades to come.
Top: Nguyen Van Lém, a member of the Viet Cong, is summarily executed in Saigon during the Tet Offensive, 1st February 1968. U.S. involvement peaked in the Vietnam War peaked in 1968 at the time of the Tet Offensive. "Crack the Sky, Shake the Earth" was the message to communist forces who were informed that they were "about to inaugurate the greatest battle in the history of our country."
Second row (left): Martin Luther King, Jr. on the Memphis hotel balcony where he was assassinated, April 1968.
Second row (right): Robert F. Kennedy lying wounded on the floor immediately after being assassinated, 5th June 1968.
Third row: On 21st August 1968, the Warsaw Pact armies are approaching Prague. Josef Koudelka, a young photographer, sits on a high building overlooking Wenceslas Square. He asks a man beside him to hold out his wrist, showing his watch along the bottom of what he sees through his viewfinder; above the hand is an eerily, silent street, awaiting the first sight of Soviet tanks. He presses the shutter...it is 12:22pm...time is frozen, a moment is preserved. The Prague Spring began with reformist Slovak, Alexander Dubcek, being elected leader of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia. Reforms promoting democracy and freedom of the press gave the Soviet Union great concern; they moved quickly to compel Czechoslovakia to subordinate its national interests to those of the Eastern Bloc - with force.
Fourth row: After the failure of the Prague Spring, many Czechoslovaks understandably had doubts about the possibility of revolution, but reform swept across the Eastern Bloc in 1989. The year brought a domino effect of revolutions, and the Velvet Revolution in November 1989 witnessed a gathering of 500,000 people in Wenceslas Square. One symbolic element of the demonstrations was the jingling of keys. The practice had a double meaning - it not only symbolized the unlocking of doors, but was the demonstrators' way of telling the Communists, "Goodbye, it's time to go home." Timothy Garton Ash remarked: "In Poland the transition [from communism to democracy] lasted ten years, in Hungary ten months, in Czechoslovakia ten days." Those ten eventful days fell between 17th and 27th November 1989, and in June of the following year, Czechoslovakia held its first democratic elections since 1946.
Bottom row (left): The Mexico Summer Olympics of September 1968 saw African-American protests reach a world-wide audience when two black athletes used a medal ceremony for the 200 meters to protest about the lack of civil rights in America. Tommie Smith (centre) and John Carlos (right) each stand with a raised fist on the podium, while Silver medallist Peter Norman from Australia (left) wears an Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR) badge to show his support for the two U.S. athletes. Smith and Carlos received their medals shoeless, but wearing black socks, to represent black poverty. Both U.S. athletes intended on bringing black gloves to the event, but Carlos forgot his, leaving them in the Olympic Village. It was the Australian, Peter Norman, who suggested Carlos wear Smith's left-handed glove, this being the reason behind him raising his left hand, as opposed to his right, differing from the traditional Black Power salute. This photo from the Olympics was on the front cover of the Warrior Breakbeats record that inspired Fool's Gold. Members of The Stone Roses often recreated this salute in photoshoots in the latter half of 1989: these shots of Reni, Mani, Ian and John are just some examples. John was particularly fond of the salute - see the Japanese photo session with Paul Slattery from 1989 (penultimate row, left). This was a recurrent Hendrix gesture on-stage, and was duly co-opted by Squire, as he entered his 'Jimi phase' at the tail end of the '80s. Symptomatic of the times, Bernard Sumner can also be seen briefly giving this Power to the People salute during New Order's Top Of The Pops performance of Fine Time, in December 1988. The 'raised fist' (or 'clenched fist') is a salute and logo most often used by leftist activists, such as Marxists, anarchists, communists, pacifists, trade unionists, and black nationalists. The raised fist is usually regarded as an expression of solidarity, strength or defiance. The Stone Roses would have been first exposed to this through their passion for Northern Soul (bottom row, second left), and subsequently their brief allegiance with the Socialist Workers Party (bottom row, second right), and interest in Mai 1968 (bottom row, right). The Northern Soul logo emanates from the Black Power civil rights movement of the 1960s in the United States. On his visit to the Twisted Wheel in Manchester in 1971, journalist Dave Godin recalled that "...very many young fellows wore black 'right on now' racing gloves... Between records one would hear the occasional cry of 'Right on now !' or see a clenched gloved fist rise over the tops of the heads of the dancers !" (Source: Land of a Thousand Dances. Blues & Soul magazine, issue 50, January 1971). This gesture could be seen at the height of the miners' strike, at 'the Battle of Orgreave', June 1984 (see further down this page). Ian Brown's anarchist inclination is traceable as far back as The Patrol. One song written by Ian (on which, he sang and played bass) was called Black Flag, which was based on the traditional anarchist symbol of that name.

In spring 1988, Channel 4 screened a series of documentaries marking the 20th anniversary of Les Evenements De Mai, the Paris riots and subsequent strikes that all but paralysed France in 1968. John Squire and Ian Brown were inspired by one of the programmes, entitled 'Revolution Revisited' and hosted by one-time student insurrectionary and French MEP Daniel Cohn-Bendit, to write Bye Bye Badman. A radical young leader in the Paris revolt, Bendit's provocative ideas and proclamations struck a chord with the youth. He was denounced by the conservative press as a "Jew, a German, and an undesirable." People were stunned by the apparent anti-Semitism of the attacks upon him, and the immediate artistic response was a poster proclaiming, "We Are All Undesirables !". Soon, millions were chanting the poster's slogan in the streets. Ian's interest in this period of history had been sparked before the airing of this programme, however. Earlier in the decade, while hitchhiking around Europe with his girlfriend, he learned about the riots from a meeting with a French man who had participated in them. Opening with Squire's chugging guitar riff slowly moving across the soundstage from one side to another and back, Bye Bye Badman is written from the perspective of the students of the May 1968 Paris riots ("I'm throwing stones at you man"), who realised that sucking on lemons negated the effects of the police CS Gas. Lemons and the French tricolour are to be found on the front cover artwork of The Stone Roses' debut, entitled 'Bye Bye Badman'. The lemons are not part of the picture but are in fact real lemons, nailed on because it was photographed on the wall - the photographer didn't have a rostrum camera.

 

 

 

 

John Squire and Ian Brown did not have to look beyond the British Isles in the 1980s for instances of rioting and discontent. Thatcher's tenure was marked by unrest, particularly in 1981, when serious rioting erupted across many major cities in England. The main motives for the riots were related to racial tension and inner city deprivation, and a distrust of the police and authority. The Brixton riot of 11th April 1981 (top row) was followed by rioting in the first fortnight of July of that year in Handsworth, Southall, Toxteth, and Moss Side. Ian Brown and John Squire were moving in to Hulme, just as the neighbourhood Moss Side area was erupting in riots. Unemployment, at a postwar high by this stage, was much higher than the national average in Moss Side. There were also frequent allegations of police officers racially abusing and using excessive force against black youths in the area. The 'low profile' approach of Greater Manchester Police and the efforts of the community leaders failed to stop the rioting which lasted for some 48 hours over two nights, with much burning and looting of shops all the way down Princess Road, Clarendon Road and the surrounding areas, including Rusholme. The Moss Side riots were brought to an end on the night of 11th July when Chief Constable of Greater Manchester James Anderton ordered his officers to advance and clear the streets of rioters in a massive show of force. There were also smaller pockets of unrest in Leeds, Leicester, Southampton, Halifax, Bedford, Gloucester, Coventry, Bristol, and Edinburgh. The recommendations of the subsequent Scarman Report to tackle the problems of racial disadvantage and inner-city decline were not implemented, and rioting would break out again in Brixton in 1985. The Toxteth riots of July 1981 (second row) were a civil disturbance in inner-city Liverpool, which arose in part from long-standing tensions between the local police and the black community. They followed the Brixton riots earlier that year. Containerization at the nearby Liverpool Docks, destroyed thousands of waterfront-type jobs which had been associated with the city of Liverpool for generations. Unemployment in Britain was at a 50-year high in 1981, and Toxteth had one of the highest unemployment rates in the country (see the World In Action feature, 'On the Scrap Heap', which focuses on unemployment, poverty, drink and drugs in Birkenhead, and Alan Bleasdale's 'Boys from the Blackstuff', for a feel of the times). Disturbances developed into full-scale rioting, with pitched battles between police and youths in which petrol bombs and paving stones were thrown, and the police employed CS gas for the first time in the UK outside Northern Ireland.
Third row (left): At the end of Britain's Industrial Age, Orgreave was a confrontation from the Middle Ages. Horses charged across a field, and sticks and stones were used in combat, as police clashed with picket. On 18th June 1984, a mass picket took place at the coking plant in Orgreave, South Yorkshire, organised by the National Union of Miners and attended by striking mineworkers from all over the country. Arthur Scargill, head of the NUM, led the strikers at what became known as the Battle of Orgreave. This mass picket was intended to blockade the plant, and ideally force its temporary closure. Here, striker George Brealey carries out his 'inspection' routine on the picket line whilst wearing a toy police hat, as officer Paul Castle glares back. Scargill's failure to initiate a national ballot proved to be a critical error, as the formation of the breakaway Union of Democratic Mineworkers (UDM) in Nottinghamshire broke the monopoly of the NUM. Ian Brown's respect for Scargill was evident years later, when speaking to Uncut magazine in February 1998: "I voted Labour, but if we'd had Arthur Scargill's Socialist Labour in my constituency I'd have voted for him."
Third row (right): Police cavalry attack Lesley Boulton, a member of Women Against Pit Closures, who was attending to an injured miner on the ground at Orgreave. This iconic photograph of Lesley - herself a photographer - would also gain notoriety in that only one of 17 national newspapers published the photo, leading to allegations of bias against the miners.
Fourth row: The police at Orgreave ready themselves for action. Aware of the plans by means of MI5 infiltration, the police organised counter-measures.
Fifth row: The police on horse-back charge the fleeing Orgreave protestors with truncheons. In 1991, South Yorkshire police were forced to pay out half a million pounds to 39 miners who were arrested in events at the Battle of Orgreave.
Sixth row (left): Speaking to Melody Maker on 3rd June 1989, Ian Brown was heavily critical of Winston Churchill's desire for military action in suppressing the 1926 General Strike. "They stick up statues in Pall Mall, but they don't tell you the guy just sat in a bunker and sent other people off to shoot and get shot. But there are still statues of them and it's rammed down every school boy's throat, our glorious past. If ordinary people want these people as their heroes then let them keep them. Winston Churchill. He's the guy who sent the Army to shoot miners in 1924 (actually 1926, Paul) cos they went on strike. And he's seen as one of the greatest men in British history, and I think that's sick." The 1926 General Strike lasted ten days, from 3rd to 13th May 1926. It was called by the General Council of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in an unsuccessful attempt to force the British government to act to prevent wage reduction and worsening conditions for coal miners. As Chancellor of the Exchequer, Churchill himself had contributed to the dire economic situation, with the reintroduction of the Gold Standard in 1925; this made the British pound too strong for effective exporting to take place from Britain, and also (because of the economic processes involved in maintaining a strong currency) raised interest rates, hurting all businesses. During the General Strike of 1926, Churchill was reported to have suggested that machine guns be used on the striking miners. Churchill edited the Government's newspaper, the British Gazette, and, during the dispute, he argued that "either the country will break the General Strike, or the General Strike will break the country." Furthermore, he controversially claimed that the fascism of Benito Mussolini had "rendered a service to the whole world," showing, as it had, "a way to combat subversive forces" - that is, he considered the regime to be a bulwark against the perceived threat of Communist revolution. At one point, Churchill went as far as to call Mussolini the "Roman genius...the greatest lawgiver among men." Picknett, Lynn, Prince, Clive, Prior, Stephen & Brydon, Robert. War of the Windsors: A Century of Unconstitutional Monarchy (Mainstream Publishing, 2002), p. 78. On the right is the statue of Sir Winston Churchill in Parliament Square, London.
Seventh & eighth row (left): Poll tax riot, Trafalgar Square, 31st March 1990. The Poll tax riots, by far the largest of which occurred in central London, coupled with an inextinguishable controversy over Britain's relationship with the European Community (EC), marred Thatcher's third term. The last day in March was the Saturday before Poll tax implementation in England and Wales, it having been introduced in Scotland a year earlier. Approximately 200,000 people marched to Trafalgar Square, and confrontation developed after police reaction was interpreted as provocation. "They're already doing me for two non-payment of rates. I'm not paying anybody anything." (Ian Brown, quoted in 'The Stone Roses - Rebel Rock', October 1990).
Eighth row (right): The Stone Roses returned to the fold in the wake of the spectre of UK riots in 2011. Ever economical with the truth, Brown commented at the reunion press conference that the band had wanted to announce their reformation the day after the UK riots had broken out. From such patronising 'solidarity' springs this 'we're-all-in-this-together' tripe. The impression given at this conference, that the band sought, or were moved, to provide cheer in times of economic hardship and political strife, is a bit of a stretch to say the least. If Shaun Ryder is to be believed, rather than soothing the disenfranchised of society, it was economic deficit of another variety that was occupying the mind of Ian Brown at this time. As for Reni's 'No group has ever before attempted what we are about to do' mantra at the conference, what, no middle-aged band have ever reformed to play a series of stadium gigs ? You're playing material that came out twenty years ago. You're not going to the fucking moon. Between 6th and 10th August 2011, beginning in Tottenham, several London boroughs and districts of cities and towns across England suffered widespread rioting, looting and arson (ninth & tenth rows), with the most severe disturbances outside London occurring in Bristol and cities in the Midlands and North West. The catalyst was the shooting of a 29-year-old English man, Mark Duggan (pictured), by police on 4th August 2011. Duggan died from a gunshot wound to the chest as police attempted to arrest him in Tottenham. This was following a surveillance operation, on suspicion of a planned revenge attack after the fatal stabbing of his cousin. After the shooting, the media widely reported that a bullet was found embedded in a police radio, implying Duggan fired on the police. On 13th August, the Independent Police Complaints Commission admitted that Duggan did not open fire, stating, "It seems possible that we may have verbally led journalists to [wrongly] believe that shots were exchanged." The bullet that had lodged in an officer's radio is believed to have been an overpenetration, having passed through Duggan's body. Shopping with violence, the riots were characterised by rampant looting and arson attacks of unprecedented levels. As a result, British Prime Minister David Cameron returned early from his holiday in Italy and other government and opposition leaders also ended their holidays to attend to the matter. All police leave was cancelled and Parliament was recalled on 11th August to debate the situation. As of 15th August, about 3,100 people had been arrested, of whom more than 1,000 had been charged. Five people died and at least 16 others were injured as a direct result of related violent acts. An estimated £200 million worth of property damage was incurred, and local economic activity was significantly compromised. Ian Brown's wish that the band had announced their reformation on the day after the riots (as though social unrest had some sort of expiry date on it), in a bid to stop looters throwing bricks through the window of a Greggs, is beyond hubris. In conversation with BBC Newsnight in October 2011, Noel Gallagher succinctly summed up the motif of the riots: "It was hardly the French Revolution, was it ? It wasn't politically motivated. It wasn't particularly against anything. It's like, 'What do they want ? Leisurewear. When do we want it. Now !' On a side note, Noel Gallagher is perhaps not in the best position to be critical of people hoarding leisurewear.

On 22nd March 1968, far-left groups and a small number of prominent poets and musicians, along with 150 students, invaded an administration building at Nanterre University and held a meeting in the university council room dealing with class discrimination in French society and the political bureaucracy that controlled the school's funding. Students called for an overhaul of French society. René Riesel demanded the expulsion of two Stalin supporters from the meeting when they attempted to disrupt a speaker. This led to great unrest and the meeting became increasingly hostile. The school's administration called the police, who surrounded the university. They initially agreed to let students go in groups of 25, first women and then men. When the men began to emerge however, they were arrested. When other students gathered to stop the police vans from taking away the arrested students, the riot police responded by launching tear gas into the crowd. Rather than dispersing the students, the tear gas only brought more students to the scene, where they blocked the exit of the vans. The police finally prevailed, but only after arresting hundreds of students. In May 1968, France witnessed a series of protests and a general strike that contributed to the eventual collapse of the De Gaulle government in France. The vast majority of the protesters espoused left-wing causes, but the established leftist political institutions and labour unions distanced themselves from the movement. Many saw the events as an opportunity to shake up the 'old society' in many social aspects and traditional morality, focusing especially on the education system and employment. It began as a series of student strikes that broke out at a number of universities and high schools in Paris, following confrontations with university administrators and the police. The de Gaulle administration's attempts to quash those strikes by further police action only inflamed the situation further, leading to street battles with the police in the Latin Quarter, followed by a general strike by students and strikes throughout France by ten million French workers, approximately two-thirds of the French workforce. The protests reached the point that de Gaulle created a military operations headquarters to deal with the unrest, dissolved the National Assembly and called for new parliamentary elections for 23rd June 1968. The government was close to collapse at that point (De Gaulle had even taken temporary refuge at an airforce base in Germany), but the revolutionary situation evaporated almost as quickly as it arose. Workers went back to their jobs, after a series of deceptions carried out by the Confédération Générale du Travail, the leftist union federation, and the Parti Communiste Français (PCF), the French Communist Party. When the elections were finally held in June, the Gaullist party emerged even stronger than before.

Following months of conflicts between students and authorities at the University of Paris at Nanterre, the administration shut down the university on 2nd May 1968. Students at the University of the Sorbonne in Paris met on 3rd May to protest against the closure and the threatened expulsion of several students at Nanterre. On Monday 6th May, the national student union, the UNEF, and the union of university teachers called a march to protest against the police invasion of the Sorbonne. More than 20,000 students, teachers and supporters marched towards the Sorbonne, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as soon as the marchers approached. While the crowd dispersed, some began to create barricades out of whatever was at hand, while others threw paving stones, forcing the police to retreat for a time. The police then responded with tear gas and charged the crowd again. Hundreds more students were arrested. High school student unions spoke in support of the riots and joined the students, teachers and increasing numbers of young workers who gathered at the Arc de Triomphe to demand that: (1) all criminal charges against arrested students be dropped, (2) the police leave the university, and (3) the authorities reopen Nanterre and the Sorbonne. Negotiations broke down after students returned to their campuses, after a false report that the government had agreed to reopen them, only to discover the police still occupying the schools. The students now had a near revolutionary fervour. On Friday 10th May, another huge crowd congregated on La Rive Gauche. When the riot police again blocked them from crossing the river, the crowd again threw up barricades, which the police then attacked at 2:15 in the morning after negotiations once again floundered. The confrontation, which produced hundreds of arrests and injuries, lasted until dawn of the following day. The events were broadcast on radio as they occurred and the aftermath was shown on television the following day. The government's heavy-handed reaction provoked a wave of sympathy for the strikers and subsequently, many of the nation's more mainstream singers and poets joined the movement. American artists also began voicing support of the strikers. The Parti Communiste Français (PCF) reluctantly supported the students, whom it regarded as adventurists and anarchists, and the major left union federations, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and the Force Ouvrière (CGT-FO) called a one-day general strike and demonstration for Monday 13th May. Over one million people marched through Paris on that day, with police mainly staying out of sight. Prime Minister Georges Pompidou personally announced the release of the prisoners and the reopening of the Sorbonne. The surge of strikes did not, however, recede and in fact, the protesters became even more enraged.

When the Sorbonne reopened, students occupied it and declared it an autonomous "people's university". Approximately 401 popular "action committees" were set up in Paris and elsewhere in the weeks following, to take up grievances against the government and French society. Workers began occupying factories, starting with a sit-down strike at the Sud Aviation plant near the city of Nantes on 14th May, followed by another strike at a Renault parts plant near Rouen, which spread to the Renault manufacturing complexes at Flins in the Seine Valley and the Paris suburb of Boulogne-Billancourt. By 16th May, workers had occupied roughly fifty factories and by 17th May, 200,000 workers were on strike. That figure snowballed to two million the following day and then ten million (roughly two-thirds of the French workforce) the following week. These strikes were not led by the union movement; on the contrary, the CGT tried to contain this spontaneous outbreak of militancy by channeling it into a struggle for higher wages and other economic demands. Workers put forward a broader, more political and more radical agenda, demanding the ousting of the government and President de Gaulle and attempting, in some cases, to run their factories. When the trade union leadership negotiated a 35% increase in the minimum wage, a 7% wage increase for other workers, and half normal pay for the time on strike with the major employers' associations, the workers occupying their factories refused to return to work and jeered their union leaders, even though this deal was better than what they could have obtained only a month earlier. On 25th and 26th May, the Grenelle agreements were signed at the Ministry of Social Affairs. They provide for an increase of the minimum wages by 25% and of the average salaries by 10%. These offers were rejected and the strike continued. On 27th May, the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (national Union of the students of France) met. 30,000 to 50,000 people gathered in the Stade Sebastien Charlety. The meeting was extremely militant with speakers demanded the overthrow of government, and elections to be held. On 30th May, several hundred thousand protesters (400,000 to 500,000, many more than the 50,000 expected by police) led by the CGT marched through Paris, chanting, "Adieu, de Gaulle !" ("Farewell, De Gaulle !", hence, 'Bye Bye Badman'). While the government appeared to be close to collapsing, de Gaulle remained firm, though had to go into hiding. After ensuring that he had sufficient loyal military units mobilized to back him, he went on the radio the following day (the national television service was on strike) to announce the dissolution of the National Assembly, with elections to follow on 23rd June. He ordered workers to return to work, threatening to institute a state of emergency if they did not. From that point, the revolutionary feeling of the students and workers faded away, and workers gradually returned to work or were ousted from their plants by the police. The national student union called off street demonstrations and the government banned a number of leftist organizations. The police retook the Sorbonne on 16th June. De Gaulle triumphed in the legislative elections held in June and the crisis came to an end.

 

 

 

Top row: The events (or movement) of 1968 began in March at Nanterre University, just outside Paris, where a young French-born German named Daniel Cohn-Bendit, led demonstrations against parietal rules. When the university was closed in early May, the anger soon spread to central Paris, to the Latin Quarter and the Sorbonne, where the student elite demonstrated against antiquated university rules, and then outward, to workers in the big factories.
Second row (left): Protesters on the ground are forcibly dealt with by police.
Second row (right): Guy Debord, Michele Bernstein and Asger Jorn in Paris, 1961. A socially-engaged offspring of the Surrealist movement, the Situationist International (1957 - 72) dealt in conceptual art designed to break the hypnosis of the mass-media 'spectacle' which it saw as a capitalist conspriracy to lull the workers into apathy.
Bottom row (left): "I'm throwing stones at you man"... Student demonstration in Paris, May 1968.
Bottom row (right): State Portrait of President Charles de Gaulle. On 30th May 1968, a crowd close to a million marched on the Champs Élysées in support of the de Gaulle government. Three days earlier, agreement had been reached on how to end the general strike in which millions of workers participated.

Bye Bye Badman was the Roses' very own 'Street Fighting Man'. Mick Jagger penned this protest song after marching on an anti-war rally at London's U.S. embassy in March 1968, during which mounted police attempted to control a crowd of 25,000. He also found inspiration in the rising violence among student rioters on Paris's Left Bank, the precursor to Mai '68. The Beatles' 'Revolution 1' grew out of the May 1968 uprising, while the experimental 'Revolution 9' was intended to represent the violence of a revolution in progress.

Squire's country-inflected hammer-ons during the chorus are helped by his use of a capo at the second fret, creating a vibe reminiscent of the fifth LP by The Byrds, 'The Notorious Byrd Brothers' (1968). On their debut LP, The Stone Roses masterfully blended the punch of the early Rolling Stones with the melodic foppery of The Byrds. During the verses, the G major to G minor change, followed by the resolution back to D major, brings a Lennon & McCartney air to the track. The change in rhythmic emphasis for the chorus and outro section exhibits an adept and subtle use of dynamics. Reni's doubled up drum part is completed by Squire's riffing over G and D. At the end of the chorus, the Bsus4-Bm-Gm change provides an unexpected turnaround. Squire had a Fostex 16-track recorder in the tape cupboard at the back of the studio, and after everyone had gone home, the guitarist would sit there with headphones and work out all his parts. Preferring not to improvise, this was Squire's modus operandi on the debut LP, continuing right through Fool's Gold, and up until Second Coming. In a Sound On Sound magazine feature from February 2005, John Leckie cites this as part of the reason for the breakdown of that second album. "John would sit in his bedroom with the Fostex while the rest of us waited in the studio for his guitar parts." On Bye Bye Badman, the guitar that plays all the way through - a kind of counter-lead line, going through a Leslie - was played in about half an hour. "However", remembers Leckie, "we had to wait four days for that before he came out of the cupboard." The Fostex was also responsible for Don't Stop, which evolved from the 16-track demo of Waterfall being played backwards. Squire has fond memories of recording his guitar parts for Bye Bye Badman:

In the outro, Squire starts off with a part that mirrors Brown's melody before embarking on a series of Johnny Marr-esque runs. This fast-paced climax captures the regenerated efforts of the Parisian protestors, with Reni's punched beats at the end of each run evoking the surge of a concerted push from the protestors, and subsequent retreat to safety. Graffiti on the North London Railway line in the 70's read, 'Situationists make the best lovers', and a romantic element is introduced at the end of the song, with Ian's French kisses subverted in the name of the Situationist youth uprising.

Top: Street Fighting Man, recorded between March and May of 1968. "Yeah, it [Mai '68] was a direct inspiration, because by contrast, London was very quiet...It was a very strange time in France. But not only in France but also in America, because of the Vietnam War and these endless disruptions...I thought it was a very good thing at the time. There was all this violence going on. I mean, they almost toppled the government in France; de Gaulle went into this complete funk, as he had in the past, and he went and sort of locked himself in his house in the country. And so the government was almost inactive. And the French riot police were amazing." (Mick Jagger speaking to Rolling Stone Magazine, 1995).
Bottom: The immediate inspiration for the 'Revolution' sequence of songs on The Beatles' White Album was the May '68 riots.

The Situationist International (SI) was an international organization of social revolutionaries, the exclusive membership of which was made up of avant-garde artists, intellectuals, and political theorists, active from its formation in 1957 to its dissolution in 1972. The intellectual foundations of the Situationist International were derived primarily from anti-authoritarian Marxism and the avant-garde art movements of the early 20th century, particularly Dada and Surrealism. Overall, situationist theory represented an attempt to synthesize this diverse field of theoretical disciplines into a modern and comprehensive critique of mid-20th century advanced capitalism. The situationists recognized that capitalism had changed since Marx's formative writings, but maintained that his analysis of the capitalist mode of production remained fundamentally correct; they rearticulated and expanded upon several classical Marxist concepts, such as his theory of alienation. In their expanded interpretation of Marxist theory, the situationists asserted that the misery of social alienation and commodity fetishism were no longer limited to the fundamental components of capitalist society, but had now in advanced capitalism spread themselves to every aspect of life and culture. They resolutely rejected the idea that advanced capitalism's apparent successes - such as technological advancement, increased income, and increased leisure - could ever outweigh the social dysfunction and degradation of everyday life that it simultaneously inflicted. Essential to situationist theory was the concept of the spectacle, a unified critique of advanced capitalism of which a primary concern was the progressively increasing tendency towards the expression and mediation of social relations through objects. The situationists believed that the shift from individual expression through directly lived experiences, or the first-hand fulfillment of authentic desires, to individual expression by proxy through the exchange or consumption of commodities, or passive second-hand alienation, inflicted significant and far-reaching damage to the quality of human life for both individuals and society. The primary means of counteracting the spectacle was the construction of situations, moments of life deliberately constructed for the purpose of reawakening and pursuing authentic desires, experiencing the feeling of life and adventure, and the liberation of everyday life. When the Situationist International was first formed, it had a predominantly artistic focus; emphasis was placed on concepts like unitary urbanism and psychogeography. Gradually, however, that focus shifted more towards revolutionary and political theory. The Situationist International reached the apex of its creative output and influence in 1967 and 1968, with the former marking the publication of the two most significant texts of the situationist movement, The Society of the Spectacle by Guy Debord and The Revolution of Everyday Life by Raoul Vaneigem. The poetic and spirited prose of Vaneigem provided a counterbalance to the political and polemic style of Debord. Debord's work attempted to provide the SI with a Marxian critical theory; the concept of 'the spectacle' expanded to all society the Marxist concept of reification drawn from the first section of Marx's 'Das Kapital', entitled 'The Fetishism of Commodities and the Secret thereof' and developed by Georg Lukács. This was an analysis of the logic of commodities whereby they achieve an ideological autonomy from the process of their production, so that "social action takes the form of the action of objects, which rule the producers instead of being ruled by them." (Marx, 'Capital'). Developing this analysis of the logic of the commodity, 'The Society of the Spectacle' generally understood society as divided between the passive subject who consumes the spectacle and the reified spectacle itself. In 1989, he published his 'Commentaries on the Society of the Spectacle', putting forward the argument that everything he wrote in 1967 was still true, with one major exception: the society of the spectacle had reached a new form, that of the integrated spectacle. The expressed writing and political theory of the two aforementioned 1967 texts, along with other situationist publications, proved greatly influential in shaping the ideas behind the May 1968 insurrections in France; quotes, phrases, and slogans from situationist texts and publications were ubiquitous on posters and graffiti throughout France during the uprisings. Interestingly, Chapter 21 (Masters Without Slaves) of The Revolution of Everyday Life by Raoul Vaneigem (1934 - ), contains reference to 'grand seigneur badman' and the Marquis de Sade (de Sade would, soon after, cameo on Fool's Gold):

The pamphlet Report on the Construction of Situations, published by Debord in June 1957, is the founding Manifesto of the Situationist International revolutionary organization. Ian Brown's 'What a Trip' interview from November 1989 converses on many of its themes, such as the institutionalized imbecilization of young people, and the trivialization and sterilization of the subversive. For Debord, official culture is a "rigged game", where conservative powers forbid subversive ideas to have direct access to the public discourse, and where such ideas are integrated only after been trivialized and sterilized.

The Situationists later inspired the punk 'anarchy' movement in the UK (1976-7). Groups such as The Sex Pistols and The Clash adopted the style, aesthetics and slogans employed by the Situationists - see, for example, Johnny Rotten's Situationist inspired shirt here. British artist Jamie Reid's artwork from the height of the punk era drew heavily upon Situationist imagery, while The Sex Pistols lyric, "No Future for you", stems from a radical French 1968 poster featuring the slogan, 'A Youth Disturbed Too Often By The Future'. Reid's artwork, which first drew John Squire towards abstraction, featured letters cut from newspaper headlines in the style of a ransom note and came closer arguably than any other to define the image of punk rock. His best known works from the era include the album cover 'Never Mind the Bollocks, Here's the Sex Pistols' LPs and the singles artwork for 'God Save The Queen', 'Anarchy in the UK', 'Pretty Vacant' and 'Holidays in the Sun'. One of Squire's Celebrity artworks from 2011 was named 'Vivienne Westwood' (ink & oil on canvas, 90cm x 70cm); Westwood is an English fashion designer, largely responsible for bringing modern punk and new wave fashions into the mainstream.

   

 

 

 

Top left: 'A Youth Disturbed Too Often By The Future'. The eyes of the bandaged figure in the poster are whirlpools of pain and anguish, and a safety pin is symbolically fitted on the mouth.
Top middle: 'Never Mind the Bollocks, Here's the Sex Pistols' (1977) by Jamie Reid.
Top right: 'God Save the Queen' (1977), designed by Jamie Reid, using an official Cecil Beaton portrait of the Queen that he found in the Daily Express.
Second row: The spontaneous and rebellious outpouring of graphic art in May 1968 not only had a powerful impact at the time, but it also influenced the DIY aesthetic of the Punk generation that followed, and continues to inform the work of artists and graphic designers today.
Third row: "I discovered a lot of music by virtue of the sleeve. I used to buy things sometimes on the strength of the packaging or the clothes the band were wearing. I discovered artists like Love and Hendrix in that way. There are some sleeves that stuck with me: Jamie Reid's God Save the Queen [for the Sex Pistols] - I did a huge version on my bedroom wall - and the Paul Simonon cover for the Clash's '(White Man) In Hammersmith Palais'." (John Squire speaking to the Financial Times, June 2011)
Fourth row (left): Promotional poster for 'Anarchy in the UK' (1977), by Jamie Reid.
Fourth row (right): Promotional poster for 'Pretty Vacant' (1977), by Jamie Reid. Jamie explains on his official site: "The buses were bricollaged from a bogus 'official' travel guide, which was produced by San Francisco-based Situationists (who in turn got it from Suburban Press !)" In the subsequent row, Ian Brown can be seen wearing a shirt with this design, in his solo career. In the May 2002 edition of Mojo magazine, Ian recalls owning photocopies of Jamie Reid's Suburban Press magazine: "I loved the slogans like, 'Use the medium, don't let it use you' and, 'No two situations are the same.'" The latter of these two slogans formed a lyric on the Ian Brown track, One Way Ticket To Paradise. Ian also cites 'The Anarchists' (1964), a relatively brief history of the anarchist movement by the historian James Joll, in this Mojo feature.
Bottom right: The Durutti Column debut album, 'The Return Of The Durutti Column' (1980) had a sandpaper cover, a nod to the Situationists by Factory boss Tony Wilson. This idea was inspired by a book entitled 'Mémoires' (1959), by Asger Jorn and Guy Debord, which had a sandpaper cover, so as to 'destroy' the other books on the shelf.**

1989 was an annus mirabilis in Europe, with the downfall of the Communist regime signalling the end of the Cold War; Eastern Europe was in revolution and insurrection was in the air, as the rivets in the Iron Curtain started to pop. Poland held elections in June 1989, and five months later, the Berlin Wall fell. Everywhere, Communism was in retreat, as Soviet satellite governments in the East fell one by one. In most of Eastern Europe - Czechoslovakia, Hungary as well as Poland - the end of divisions that had scarred the continent were healed peaceably; although in Romania, at the very end of the year, the old order did not go down without a fight, and the streets of Bucharest ran with blood. The end of the Cold War brought to a close what historian T. C. W. Blanning perceives as the "short twentieth century" (1914 - 1991), which began with WWI. 1789 - 1914 is viewed as the "long nineteenth century" because the developments of this era overlapped time boundaries of a 'conventional' nineteenth century (1800 - 1900).*** A thread can be woven between the years 1789, 1968 and 1989. 1989 was the 200th anniversary of the Great Revolution of 1789, the inception of the "long nineteenth century". The virtual open warfare in the streets of Paris during the May Days of 1968 shattered the old order in France more than any popular uprising since the events of 1789. Aside from the May Days, the year 1968 witnessed a distinct eruption of protest-related violence worldwide, resulting from varying contentious issues (notably Vietnam). Emboldened by events in Berlin with the fall of the Wall, the Czechs of '89 proceeded to push for reform in the full knowledge that the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, was not going to intervene with Soviet tanks in Prague - as had been the case with the Prague Spring of 1968 - given the reform plans he had laid out. In 1968, students in Eastern Europe, drew inspiration from the protests in the West. In Poland and Yugoslavia, students protested against restrictions on free speech by Communist regimes, while in Czechoslovakia, the Prague Spring offered a broadening of political rights until it was crushed by the USSR and its Warsaw Pact allies. 1989 was a year of looking back to events of 1968 for some, notably Czechoslovakia; on 19th November 1989, the playwright / philosopher Vaclav Havel (1936 - ) formed the Civic Forum, an umbrella group for opposition groups seeking dialogue with the government. Mass demonstrations became a daily event, with students joining the protests, while posters developed the iconography of '89 as '68 turned upside down. On 10th December, President Gustáv Husák appointed the first largely non-communist government in Czechoslovakia since 1948, and resigned. Alexander Dubcek was elected speaker of the federal parliament on 28th December and on the following day, Havel was elected President of Czechoslovakia. Squire and Brown, influenced by a documentary on the 1968 Paris riots capture this link between '68 and '89, just as the spiral of climactic developments take shape in 1989. In April 1989, one month prior release of the Roses' debut, a massive demonstration by Chinese students for democratic reform was beginning on Tiananmen Square, which was later brutally repressed by the People's Liberation Army, on June 3rd and 4th.

By the early 1980s, the USSR had built up a military arsenal and army to match that of the United States. Previously, the U.S. had relied on the qualitative superiority of its weapons to essentially frighten the Soviets, but the gap had been significantly narrowed. After President Reagan's military buildup, the Soviet Union did not further dramatically build up its military; the enormous military expenses, in combination with collectivized agriculture and inefficient planned manufacturing, were a heavy burden for the Soviet economy. At the same time, the Reagan Administration persuaded Saudi Arabia to increase oil production, which resulted in a three times drop of oil prices in 1985; oil was the main source of Soviet export revenues. These factors gradually brought the Soviet economy to a stagnant state during Gorbachev's tenure. Reagan recognized the change in the direction of the Soviet leadership with Gorbachev, and shifted to diplomacy, with a view to encourage the Soviet leader to pursue substantial arms agreements. Gorbachev and Reagan held four summit conferences between 1985 and 1988; Geneva, Reykjavik, Washington, D.C. and Moscow. Reagan believed that if he could persuade the Soviets to allow for more democracy and free speech, this would lead to reform and the end of Communism. Speaking at the Berlin Wall on 12th June 1987, Reagan challenged Gorbachev to go further:

Prior to Gorbachev visiting Washington, D.C. for the third summit in 1987, the Soviet leader announced his intention to pursue significant arms agreements. On 8th December 1987, he and Reagan signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty at the White House, which eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons. When Reagan visited Moscow for the fourth summit in 1988, a journalist asked him if he still considered the Soviet Union to be the evil empire. "No," he replied, "I was talking about another time, another era." The Berlin Wall was torn down in 1989, a year when the world turned on its pivot, and two years later the Soviet Union collapsed. Serious political violence was a prominent feature of South Africa from 1985 to 1989, as black townships became the focus of the struggle between anti-apartheid organisations and the Botha government. Throughout the 1980s, township people resisted apartheid by acting against the local issues that faced their particular communities. The focus of much of this resistance was against the local authorities and their leaders, who were seen to be supporting the government. By 1985, it had become the ANC's aim to make black townships "ungovernable" (a term later replaced by "people's power") by means of rent boycotts and other militant action. Numerous township councils were overthrown or collapsed, to be replaced by unofficial popular organisations, often led by militant youth. People's courts were set up, and residents accused of being government agents were dealt extreme and occasionally lethal punishment. On 20th July 1985, State President P.W. Botha declared a State of Emergency in 36 magisterial districts. The State of Emergency continued until 1990, when it was lifted by State President F.W. de Klerk. De Klerk moved decisively towards negotiations to end the political stalemate in the country. In his opening address to parliament on 2nd February 1990, De Klerk announced that he would repeal discriminatory laws and lift the 30-year ban on leading anti-apartheid groups such as the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the UDF. The Land Act was brought to an end. De Klerk also made his first public commitment to release jailed ANC leader Nelson Mandela, to return to press freedom and to suspend the death penalty. Media restrictions were lifted and political prisoners not guilty of common-law crimes were released. On 11th February 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from Victor Verster Prison, after more than 27 years in prison. Apartheid was dismantled in a series of negotiations from 1990 to 1993, culminating in elections in 1994, the first in South Africa with universal suffrage.

 

 

 

Top left: By the mid-1980s the Berlin Wall had become the most enduring symbol of the Cold War. Ronald Reagan speaks at the Berlin Wall's Brandenburg Gate on 12th June 1987, challenging Gorbachev to "tear down this wall !"
Top right: Reagan and Gorbachev sign the INF Treaty at the White House on 8th December 1987.
Second row (left): The piercing sea-green eyes of 12 year old Sharbat Gula, an Afghan refugee, represent the anguish brought upon her nation by the Soviet invasion. She was forced to leave her home in Afghanistan during the Soviet war, for a refugee camp in Pakistan where she was photographed by National Geographic photographer, Steve McCurry. The Soviet strike on her village killed Gula's parents - forcing her, her siblings and grandmother to hike over the mountains to the Nasir Bagh refugee camp in Pakistan in 1984. This 1984 photo became a symbol both of the 1980s Afghan conflict and of the refugee situation worldwide.
Second row (right): Soviet troops withdraw from Afghanistan, but in their wake, some of those who had defeated them took their jihad and turned it into a global struggle that would reach its apotheosis on September 11th 2001. This withdrawal from Afghanistan on 15th February 1989 finally brought to an end the decade-long Afghan-Soviet War. Soviet forces had occupied the country since December 1979, bolstering a Soviet-installed government and fighting an unwinnable guerrilla war against mujahideen insurgents.
Third row: In the Second Summer of Love, there was a spirit of togetherness, as a generation found their voice and expression. All around the world, other people were finding theirs: from pro-democracy movements in China to breaking down borders in Eastern Europe. The start of the summer of 1989 had seen the first faultlines appear in the old world order; the end of it would signal wholescale collapse. In April 1989, university students descend on Beijing's Tiananmen Square to commemorate the death, by heart attack, of deposed General Secretary Hu Yaobang and voice discontent with the government. By 18th May, the students are five days into a hunger strike. They are joined by civil servants, factory workers and other supporters and the crowd - now one million strong - shouts slogans demanding resignation of Deng Xioaping.
Fourth row: 2nd June 1989. Some of the hundreds of thousands of Chinese gathering around a 10 metre replica of the Statue of Liberty, dubbed the Goddess of Democracy, in Tiananmen Square, demanding democracy despite martial law in Beijing. Hundreds, possibly thousands, of protesters were killed by China's military on the subsequent two days, with communist leaders ruthlessly bringing an end to six weeks of unprecedented democracy protests in the heart of the Chinese capital.
Fifth row: A solitary figure stands defiantly in front of a column of Chinese Type 59 tanks on Beijing's Tiananmen Square, on the morning of 4th June 1989.
Sixth row: Apartheid was a system of legal racial segregation enforced by the National Party government in South Africa between 1948 and early 1994, under which the rights of the majority 'non-white' inhabitants of the country were curtailed, and minority rule by white people was maintained. The government segregated housing, education, medical care, and other public services, and provided black people with services inferior to those of white people. Apartheid sparked significant internal resistance and violence, as well as a lengthy trade embargo against South Africa. A series of popular uprisings and protests were met with the banning of opposition, and imprisonment of anti-apartheid leaders. As the unrest escalated, state organizations responded with increasing repression and state-sponsored violence. Reforms to apartheid in the 1980s failed to quell the mounting opposition, and in 1990, President Frederik Willem de Klerk began negotiations to end apartheid, culminating in multi-racial democratic elections in 1994, which were won by the African National Congress under Nelson Mandela. "I believe in young people. I believe that people will stand up and not take it. It's like South Africa in 1989 - through the 80s we used to watch the news every night, and the police were storming through townships, destroying people. But people stood up to it, so they gave up. Like the way the Romans gave up, the South Africans gave up. It's not just something we were taught about in our history books: we watched it happen. That gives me faith in people, the same as the fall of the Berlin Wall did. That thing was oppressive and morally wrong, and the East German soldiers had to give up, because a million people hit the street. People power - I believe in people power. It works, I've seen it in my lifetime, and it makes me see the light at the end of the tunnel of global warming. People will stand up, and it will be sorted, and we'll be OK." (Ian Brown speaking to The Quietus, 22nd September 2009). When most forms of public protest were banned, graffiti and poster production (and t-shirts, literally embodying the politics) became the medium through which social movements could communicate to one another, the wider population, and the apartheid government. This anti-apartheid graffiti was often responded to with right wing graffiti, converting slogans like 'Free All Detainees' to 'Freeze All Detainees.' Graffiti wars covered the walls of the country, with each side crossing out or changing the other's slogans. The right wing writers had the advantage of not being afraid of the police (or, in some instances, were the police), and thus were able to paint in broad daylight, and as extensively as they wanted. The anti-apartheid graffiti writers tended to be much more prolific, however. The slogan painted most often was 'Free Mandela', sometimes accompanied by a stencil of his face. Even while imprisoned, Mandela was present and part of the struggle. Via such communication, a voice was given to a mass movement that never before had seen or heard its complete collective power. The education system, propaganda, and media of the apartheid regime just could not keep up with the release of this voice. As South African artist Sue Williamson wrote at the time, "as press censorship increases, the writing on the wall has become required reading."
Seventh row: The Berlin Wall is torn down, November 1989.
Eighth row: In the Velvet Revolution, Alexander Dubcek is hugged by Vaclav Havel, upon learning that the entire Czech government has resigned in Prague. Dubcek, having been in effective internal exile for most of the previous twenty years, can be seen here greeting the crowd in Wenceslas Square, 25th November 1989.
Ninth row (left): Nicolae Ceausescu and wife Elena flee from revolutionaries on 22nd December 1989. As Romania's foreign debt sharply increased between 1977 and 1981, the influence of international financial organisations such as the IMF and the World Bank grew, conflicting with Nicolae Ceausescu's autarchic policies. He eventually initiated a project of total reimbursement of the foreign debt by imposing policies that impoverished Romanians and exhausted the Romanian economy, while also greatly extending the authority of the police state, and imposing a cult of personality. These measures led to a dramatic decrease in Ceausescu's popularity and culminated in his overthrow and execution in the bloody Romanian Revolution of 1989.
Ninth row (right): What may turn out to be the most significant revolution of all in 1989 went virtually unnoticed. In Geneva that spring, a British computer scientist, Tim Berners-Lee, laid out the building blocks of what would become the World Wide Web.
Penultimate row: One of the largest spills in U.S. history and one of the largest ecological disasters took place on 24th March 1989, when the Exxon Valdez caused an oil slick disaster.
Bottom row: On 17th October 1989, the Loma Prieta earthquake struck the San Francisco Bay Area of California, killing 63 people and injuring 3,757. 12,000 people were left homeless. The earthquake occurred during the warm up for the third game of the 1989 World Series, featuring both of the Bay Area's Major League Baseball teams, the Oakland Athletics and the San Francisco Giants. Because of game-related sports coverage, this was the first major earthquake in America to have its initial jolt broadcast live on television. This photograph shows the collapsed upper deck section of the San Francisco - Oakland Bay Bridge.

In 1989/90, The Stone Roses were banging the drum for freedom from societal restraints (see for example, the Hot Press magazine extract above, from July 1990). This was the flowing thrust of their debut LP, and the songwriting duo outlined their creed at length in conversation with Melody Maker in June 1989: "Individualism, that's what I believe in. Freedom.", Squire comments. Brown picks up on this theme, with the following tangential thoughts: "You can't even get grants like you could five years ago. What I used to do is apply for a grant for a cooker, put in a holiday form at the same time, and when the cheque arrived go to France or Italy. That's what they want though, they're trying to restrict your movement. And when your movement's restricted... Berlin 1933." The delivery of this is cringeworthy - I think if you were a Jew in 1930s Berlin, you would have a few more things on your plate to worry about than whether you could wangle a cooker or a free holiday on the dole. That's up there with Neil Young comparing Fort McMurray to Hiroshima. The same interview finds a scatterbrained Brown attempting to blur the lines between Christianity and Communism:

This is a case of three bald men fighting over a comb. Little do they know it, but the smug contrarian Ian and these Jehovah's Witnesses are actually singing from the same hymn sheet. If Jesus was the world's first Communist, then the Pope is indeed the devil's representative on earth, because Communism is of the devil.

The seditious Bye Bye Badman lifts the crucifixion of Jesus into the context of Mai '68, homing in on the 'revolutionary' aspects of Christ's ministry. Jesus is the model of submission ("Submission ends and I begin").

Jesus was bought and paid for the price of a slave (Exodus 21: 32; Zechariah 11: 12 - 13), thirty pieces of silver. The wages of sin is death, so comes the suffering Servant as the ransom that would free men from the slavery of sin.

Jesus came into this world not in the surroundings of a palace, but in a lowly stable. In the New Testament, Saint Paul writes that Christ "took the form of a slave". It was often the afflicted and outcasts of society that best understood Jesus and were the most welcoming of His ministry. In Matthew 20: 29 - 34, two blind men acknowledge Jesus as Messiah and are cured just as Jesus is about to enter Jerusalem. The contrast is intended with the sighted Jerusalem leaders, who are about to fail to recognise Jesus for what He is. Jesus rescued the adulteress from stoning, ate with tax collectors and prostitutes, spoke to the Samaritan woman at the well, and healed the sick and the sinner. He washed the feet of His disciples and, much to the criticism of religious leaders, did not confine His preaching to the Synagogue; rather, He gathered His disciples from some of the most common (and even lowly) rungs of society, including the docks. Hence, the religious leaders considered His dock not to be a "holy shrine". This narrative leap from the life of Christ to twentieth century events has precedent in Sympathy for the Devil, the opening track of 'Beggar's Banquet' by The Rolling Stones. With Baudelaire and Mikhail Bulgakov's The Master and Margarita setting the tone, Jagger's dapper top-hat-and-cane devil takes us on a tour of his past deeds by enumerating his mischief through the ages: Jesus Christ, Pontius Pilate, the Czar, Anastasia, Blitzkrieg (World War II), the assassinations of the Kennedys and the hippie trail to Bombay.

In 2001, Faithless used the powerful image of Parisian student riots from 1983 for the front cover of their 'Outrospective' album. The Chemical Brothers used imagery from the May 1968 Paris riots for their 'Galvanize' single artwork (2005). The Manic Street Preachers drew inspiration from the movement, for example using the Situationist slogan, "Destroy Work", in the DIY design of their clothes. This Situationist slogan has its source the title of Alfredo M. Bonanno's book 'Let's Destroy Work, Let's Destroy the Economy':

 

     

 

Yesterday I woke up sucking a lemon...
Top row & centre images of second row: 'Push the Button' and 'Galvanize' (both 2005) by The Chemical Brothers used visuals from May 1968.
Second row (left): 'Outrospective' (2001) by Faithless.
Second row (right): Thom Yorke wearing a t-shirt with the words, 'Presse: Ne Pas Avaler' (Press: do not swallow), a slogan from Paris in May 1968.
Third row: A détournement is a technique developed in the 1950s by the Letterist International (LI), which turns expressions of the capitalist system against itself. Détournement was prominently used to set up subversive political pranks, an influential tactic called situationist prank that was reprised by the punk movement in the late 1970s and inspired the culture jamming movement in the late 1980s. For the artwork of Radiohead's sixth studio album, 'Hail to the Thief' (2003), Thom Yorke and cover artist Stanley Donwood made lists of words and phrases drawn from the landscape of Los Angeles and political discussion surrounding the September 11 attacks and subsequent war in Afghanistan.
Bottom row: The Manic Street Preachers. 'Destroy Work' is emblazoned on both Nicky Wire's shirt and Richey Edwards' jeans in the bottom left photo, and on Edwards' clothing in the bottom right photo.

* This can be interpreted in two different ways; "Come taste the end, you're mine" could be interpreted as "Comte is the end, you're mine." Auguste Comte (1798 - 1857), the French father of sociology, developed a theory known as Positivism, which brought a strict empirical approach to the study of society; it taught the great end of life to be the struggle to become more perfect, which implies previous imperfection. The nineteenth century was the era of popular science, when writers such as Comte, Darwin and Nietzsche threatened the established position of religion in life. Such syllabic experimentation is a recurring feature of the band's material. For example, in a May 1995 Melody Maker interview, Dave Simpson writes: Ian Brown says "Ten Storey Love Song" could also be "Tense Tory Love Song".

   

   

Top left: Auguste Comte.
Top middle: In the footage of The Stone Roses in the studio from 25th January 1989, Ian Brown can be seen writing humorous descriptions of each band member, using a black marker and sticky labels. For John Squire, he writes 'French homosexual poet'. The work of three of France's greatest poets are brought together in the pictured (bottom left) Joseph M. Bernstein book: the sensual and passionate glow of Charles Baudelaire, the desperate intensity and challenge of Arthur Rimbaud, and the absinthe-tinted symbolist songs of Paul Verlaine. 'The Poems and Prose Poems of Charles Baudelaire' (1919) by James Huneker (bottom middle), contains the following description of Baudelaire: "He went out only after dark, he haunted the exterior boulevards, associated with birds of nocturnal plumage." John Squire seems to have read this book, given that one of his artworks from 2007 (top right) is entitled 'Nocturnal Plumage' (oil and wax on canvas, 20" x 16"). Reading between the lines, I propose that Ian's label for John at that juncture is alluding to the influence of Rimbaud, who had a well-documented homosexual relationship with Verlaine (bottom right). Asked by Hot Press magazine in July 1997 if he thought that Ian Brown could pull off a Shaun Ryder style-resurrection, John responded, "Naw. Shaun's one in a million, definitely. I was talking to an Irish journalist last week and he put Shaun in the same category as Aleister Crowley, Oscar Wilde and Arthur Rimbaud !"

** Manchester's Haçienda nightclub had Situationist foundations. The name of Tony Wilson's club originates from an October 1953 Situationist manifesto by Ivan Chtcheglov (1934 - ), entitled 'Formulary for a New Urbanism':

The Haçienda became most famous during the 'Madchester' years of the late 1980s and early 1990s, when Acid House and rave music rose to prominence. It opened its doors in 1982, and despite considerable and persistent financial troubles, survived until 1997 - during much of this time the club was mainly supported by record sales from New Order. The Smiths performed there three times in 1983 and it was the venue for Madonna's first UK performance, in January 1984. She was invited to appear as part of a one-off, live television broadcast by Channel 4 music programme, The Tube. In 1986, it became one of the first clubs to start playing house music, with DJs Mike Pickering and Little Martin hosting the visionary 'Nude' night on Fridays. Most of the money ended up circulating to drug dealers due to the popularity of ecstasy on the club scene, with The Haçienda itself receiving very little of the nightly expenditure. In July 1989, the UK's first ecstasy death, 16 year old Clare Leighton, occured in the club after she suffered internal bleeding from taking a tablet. The club closed for a short period in early 1991, before reopening with improved security later the same year. However, security continued to be a problem, particularly in the club's latter years. There were several shootings inside and outside the club, and relations with the police and licensing authorities became troubled. There was little left of the harmonious spirit of early rave. As the organised drug trade began to dominate the scene, violence and robberies became commonplace. Ultimately, the club's long term future was crippled and, with spiralling debts, the Haçienda eventually closed forever in the summer of 1997. The Whitworth Street West site was purchased from the receivers by Crosby Homes. They chose to demolish the nightclub in 2002, and reuse the site for the construction of apartments, maintaining the venue's iconic name.

 

Left: The Haçienda's interior before opening.
Right: The Haçienda apartments in 2007, a capitalist hijacking of Factory's utopian vision.

*** T. C. W. Blanning, Short Oxford history of Europe: the nineteenth century 1789 - 1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 254 - 275.

Modal analysis (by Steve Davidson):

The intro starts with a muted D major chord. The melody soon spells out the D Mixolydian scale. Here are the notes:

(D E F# G A B C D)

The chords then change to G major and then G minor before returning to the D major chord. This G minor chord belongs to the key of D Aeolian. Here are the notes:

D Aeolian scale (D E F G A Bb C D)

This type of thing is usually called borrowing chords. However the Key centre is still D, so it is a 'modal change' and not a key change. A Key change is where the tonal centre changes to another letter like "A" or "B". It repeats this sequence for the verse and bridge parts. A recurring theme for the Roses is for the chorus to jump into Ionian mode, which it does again here. So we're into D Ionian here. Here are the notes:

(D E F# G A B C# D)

The chords are D major, G major, B minor, E minor, G minor, A major. All of these belong to D Ionian except the G minor, which moves to D Aeolian as explained above. As the chorus continues into the end section, a C major chord appears to pull things into the Key of G Ionian. The chord sequence goes C major, G major, B minor, C major, D major.

So, to sum up on this one...

Intro and Verses
D Mixolydian/D Aeolian/D Mixolydian

Chorus
D Ionian/D Aeolian/D Ionian

End
G Ionian


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